This series will cover the history of Modern Pakistan, from the earliest notions of a separatist Muslim governance to the creation of Pakistan and all the way to 2023.
You can read post covering 1857 – 1927 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #1 1857 – 1927
You can read post covering 1927- 1939 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #2 1927 – 1939
You can read post covering 1939 – 1947 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #3 1939 – 1947
You can read post covering 1947 – 1953 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #4 1947 – 1953
You can read post covering 1953 – 1958 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #5 1953 – 1958
You can read post covering 1958 – 1970 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #6 1958 – 1970
You can read post covering 1970 – 1977 here: A History of Modern Pakistan #7 1970 – 1977
Zia ul-Haq as President 1978
By September 1978, General Zia-ul-Haq had consolidated his control over Pakistan. The political leadership of the PPP had largely been removed from government, while President Chaudhry Fazal Ilahi’s position had become increasingly ceremonial. Zia had originally allowed him to remain as President, but when the constitutional position became untenable, Fazal Ilahi resigned in September 1978. Zia then assumed the presidency himself, combining the offices of President and Chief Martial Law Administrator and placing himself firmly at the centre of Pakistan’s political system.
Zia’s vision for Pakistan was different from that of the leaders who had come before him. He believed that previous governments had spoken about Islam but had not gone far enough in actually making Islam part of the country’s laws and institutions. His stated objective was therefore to Islamise the state and bring its legal and political system closer to what he regarded as the requirements of Shariah.
This was not simply a matter of changing a few laws. Over the following years, Islamisation reached into the courts, banking system, taxation, education and everyday public life. The Hudood Ordinances were introduced in 1979, including laws dealing with zina, qazf, theft and alcohol, with punishments based on the concepts of hudud and ta’zir. A system of Zakat and Ushr was introduced in 1980, and the Federal Shariat Court was established to examine whether laws were compatible with the injunctions of Islam. Additional changes to Pakistan’s blasphemy laws were also introduced during the Zia period, although the major 1986 amendment that introduced the death penalty for insulting the Prophet ﷺ came later in his rule.
Zia also promoted the wider Islamisation of society. Religious education was expanded, Islamic universities and institutions received greater attention, and the state encouraged the observance of salah and other Islamic practices. The government sought to discourage alcohol and public indecency, and Zia promoted an environment in which Islamic values were expected to have a much more visible place in public life. His government also made changes intended to facilitate Hajj and expanded state involvement in Zakat distribution, with the stated aim of helping poorer people become economically independent.
One of the most controversial areas was banking. Zia wanted Pakistan’s financial system to move away from interest and towards an Islamic economic model. The process was gradual and never produced a completely interest-free economy, but it established Islamic banking and finance as a permanent part of Pakistan’s economic landscape. In this sense, Zia was not merely governing Pakistan as a military ruler. He was attempting to change what Pakistan itself meant as a state, moving it towards a more explicitly Islamic political and legal identity.
Zia ordained:
- To continue the ban on alcohol
- To ban nudity in public
- Interest free banking
- Create Islamic Universities
- Set up sharia courts and Ulema councils
- Ordain Hudood punishment
- Make way for Salah in all work areas, i.e. breaks for Zuhr salah
- No public eating in Ramadhan
- Set up a Zakat foundation – with increased fund to empower people to find work or set up a business
- Make Hajj more accessible
- Compulsory Islamic studies
- Introduction of the Blasphemy act
Majlis-e-Shoora
Zia did not initially intend to restore the parliamentary democracy that had existed under the 1973 Constitution. He favoured a strong presidential system in which the President would have the authority to guide the country while relying on experts, professionals and selected representatives rather than political parties. This was sometimes described as a form of technocracy.
In 1981, Zia therefore established the Majlis-e-Shoora, or Federal Council. It was intended to provide consultation while avoiding the return of conventional party politics. The Council could contain up to 350 nominated members, with representation given to religious scholars, women, farmers, professionals, labourers and minorities. Its members were selected rather than elected, and the President appointed its chairman and four vice-chairmen.
The Majlis-e-Shoora could discuss the budget and recommend new legislation or amendments to existing laws, but it could not function like a normal elected parliament. It could advise the President, but the President retained the final authority. Zia presented this as an interim arrangement until democracy could eventually be restored. In practice, however, it allowed him to maintain a civilian-looking political structure while retaining the real power of the military presidency.
One of the politicians who emerged during this period was Nawaz Sharif, who was brought into Punjab’s political and administrative circles and became associated with Zia’s economic and business-oriented approach. He would eventually become one of the most important political figures in Pakistan.
Fifth Five-Year Plans (1978–1983)
Pakistan’s economy also needed to recover from the disruption of the Bhutto years. Bhutto had nationalised large parts of industry, and Zia began reversing some of these policies by encouraging the private sector to return to areas where the state had previously taken control.
The Fifth Five-Year Plan therefore concentrated on economic stabilisation, agricultural production, private investment and improving the living standards of poorer Pakistanis. Pakistan also benefited from workers sending money home from abroad, particularly from the Gulf states, where large numbers of Pakistanis had found employment during the oil boom.
Then Afghanistan changed everything.
The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in December 1979 and suddenly Pakistan found itself on the front line of the Cold War. Millions of Afghan refugees would eventually cross into Pakistan, while Pakistan became the principal staging ground for the Afghan resistance. Defence spending consequently increased, while the government had to divert resources towards security, refugees and the growing conflict on its western border.
Pakistan had suddenly become strategically important to the United States. The same country that had been under military rule and facing criticism from the West was now an essential ally against the Soviet Union. This would fundamentally change Zia’s international position.
Bhutto’s Death Sentence 1979
While Zia was consolidating his government, the fate of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was being decided in the courts.
Bhutto had initially been released after the 1977 coup and began campaigning for his political return. Zia could not simply allow Bhutto to rebuild the PPP and challenge military rule, and in September 1977 Bhutto was arrested again in connection with the murder of Muhammad Ahmad Kasuri, whose son Ahmed Raza Kasuri had been a political opponent of Bhutto.
The prosecution’s case depended heavily on testimony from Masood Mahmood, the former Director-General of the Federal Security Force, who claimed that Bhutto had ordered the assassination attempt against Kasuri. Bhutto was convicted and sentenced to death. His lawyers appealed, but the Supreme Court upheld the conviction by a narrow majority.
Bhutto was hanged on 4 April 1979.
The execution remains one of the most controversial events in Pakistan’s history. Supporters of Bhutto have long argued that the case was politically motivated and that Zia wanted to remove the one civilian politician who could potentially challenge his rule. The circumstances of the trial, the narrow Supreme Court decision and the political environment surrounding the case have ensured that Bhutto’s execution remains deeply disputed to this day.
Many say this charge was fictional and only revived to get rid of Bhutto once and for all.
Bhutto’s legacy
Bhutto left behind a complicated legacy. He was a populist who presented himself as the champion of ordinary Pakistanis and introduced major reforms in workers’ rights, labour organisation and social welfare. His government nationalised major industries and expanded the state’s role in education and the economy. He also promoted science and technology and placed Pakistan’s nuclear programme at the centre of national security policy.
His foreign policy also had a lasting impact. Bhutto strengthened relations with China and the Muslim world and helped establish Pakistan as an important diplomatic voice among Muslim countries. His role in Pakistan’s nuclear programme would eventually become one of his most important legacies, particularly because India was also pursuing nuclear capability.
At the same time, his nationalisation policies damaged private industry and created a much larger role for the state in the economy. His government also became increasingly authoritarian, particularly towards political opponents, and his handling of opposition contributed to the political crisis that eventually brought Zia to power.
Bhutto therefore occupies a strange position in Pakistan’s history. To his supporters, he was the politician who gave Pakistan its 1973 Constitution, strengthened its international position and gave ordinary people a political voice. To his opponents, he was responsible for economic mismanagement, political repression and a style of government that contributed to the instability that ultimately allowed the military to intervene.
His political legacy did not disappear with his execution. His daughter, Benazir Bhutto, would eventually lead the PPP and become Prime Minister, while his grandson Bilawal Bhutto Zardari would later become a major political figure. The Bhutto name therefore remained at the centre of Pakistani politics long after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto himself was gone.
Soviet War 1979
On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. For Pakistan, this was potentially an existential problem. Afghanistan was directly next to Pakistan, and there was a genuine fear within the Pakistani leadership that Soviet influence could spread towards Pakistan’s western regions.
Zia therefore decided to support the Afghan resistance. Pakistan provided assistance to the Mujahideen, with the Inter-Services Intelligence playing a central role in organising and distributing foreign support. Declassified American records confirm that Pakistan was covertly supplying weapons to Afghan insurgents by 1980.
The United States quickly recognised that Pakistan was now strategically essential. Washington provided military and economic assistance, while Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries also supported the Afghan resistance. The American relationship with Pakistan, which had been strained by Zia’s military coup and Pakistan’s nuclear programme, was transformed by the Soviet invasion. American officials openly discussed strengthening Pakistan’s military capability because of the threat posed by the Soviet presence in Afghanistan.
Pakistan itself became a front-line state in the Cold War. Weapons, money and fighters passed through the country, while millions of Afghan refugees crossed the border. Pakistan also faced the possibility of Soviet or Afghan military action against its territory. The Soviet Union did not launch the full-scale invasion of Pakistan that was sometimes feared, although there were cross-border incidents and serious concerns within the Pakistani military about Soviet incursions. American intelligence assessments at the time concluded that a sustained Soviet invasion of Pakistan was not then considered likely.
The Afghan war would eventually help Zia survive politically. He could now present himself not merely as a military ruler who had removed an elected government, but as the leader of a country standing on the front line against Soviet expansion. Pakistan’s relationship with the United States, China and the Muslim world consequently became central to Zia’s rule.
Sixth Five-Year Plan (1983–88)
By the early 1980s, the Pakistani economy was benefiting from several major changes. The private sector had been given greater room to operate, overseas Pakistani workers were sending substantial amounts of money back home, and foreign assistance had increased because of Pakistan’s strategic importance in the Afghan war.
The Sixth Five-Year Plan therefore concentrated on increasing investment, agricultural productivity, exports, health and education. The economy continued to grow at a relatively strong rate during the period, although the benefits were not evenly distributed and Pakistan remained heavily dependent on foreign assistance and remittances.
The economic picture was therefore more complicated than simply saying that Zia’s policies succeeded or failed. Pakistan experienced significant growth during the 1980s, but the country was also becoming increasingly dependent on external money, defence spending and the geopolitical importance created by the Afghan war.
1984 Referendum
By 1984, Zia had been ruling Pakistan for seven years without a general election. He was increasingly under pressure to explain when democratic government would return.
Zia therefore held a referendum on 19 December 1984. The question was framed around whether the people supported the continuation of the process of Islamisation and, as a consequence, whether they wanted Zia to remain President for another five years. The official result gave him an overwhelming victory, although the turnout and credibility of the vote were widely questioned. Independent observers believed actual participation was considerably lower than the official figures suggested.
The referendum gave Zia the constitutional basis he wanted to continue as President. The next question was whether he would finally allow political parties and elected representatives to return to government.
1985 General Elections
In 1985, Zia finally allowed general elections to take place. They were held on a non-party basis, meaning candidates could stand for election but political parties themselves were not permitted to contest under their party names. This was important because Zia wanted an elected government without immediately restoring the party politics that had existed before the coup.
The elections produced a new National Assembly, and Zia selected Muhammad Khan Junejo as Prime Minister. The Majlis-e-Shoora was replaced by the newly elected Parliament, giving Pakistan a civilian government once again.
But Zia was not simply handing power back.
Before the new political system could properly operate, Zia secured constitutional protection for the actions taken during martial law. The Eighth Amendment of 1985 validated a large body of Zia’s orders and constitutional measures dating back to the 1977 coup. More importantly, it significantly strengthened the presidency. Article 58 was amended to give the President the power to dissolve the National Assembly in certain circumstances, including where he believed that the federal government could no longer be carried on constitutionally and an appeal to the electorate was necessary.
This would become one of the most important political mechanisms in Pakistan over the next decade. It meant that even after elected governments returned, the President retained a powerful constitutional weapon over the Prime Minister.
Martial law itself was eventually withdrawn on 30 December 1985 after the elected Parliament had been installed and the Eighth Amendment had been passed. Pakistan therefore had, once again, an elected government, but it was not the same parliamentary system that had existed before 1977. Zia had reshaped the constitution so that the presidency, and by extension the military establishment behind it, retained considerable influence.
Junejo as Prime Minister
Muhammad Khan Junejo initially worked within Zia’s political system and supported many aspects of the government. However, the relationship between the two men gradually deteriorated.
Junejo wanted the civilian government to become more independent and pushed for the restoration of normal parliamentary politics. He was also less enthusiastic than Zia about the continued dominance of the military over political affairs and about some aspects of Zia’s Islamisation programme.
The Afghan war created another source of tension. Pakistan was becoming increasingly involved in a conflict that carried enormous risks, while the military establishment retained control over much of foreign and security policy. Junejo increasingly wanted the civilian government to exercise greater authority.
The two men were therefore moving in different directions. Zia had created a controlled political system in which Parliament existed, but Junejo increasingly wanted Parliament to become genuinely powerful.
Ojheri Camp disaster and Junejo removed
On 10 April 1988, a massive explosion occurred at the Ojhri Camp ammunition depot in Rawalpindi. The camp was being used to store weapons and ammunition connected with the Afghan war. The explosion sent rockets and other munitions across Rawalpindi and Islamabad, killing more than 100 people and injuring many more.
Junejo responded by ordering an inquiry into the disaster. This became politically sensitive because the investigation could potentially expose failures within the military establishment and the handling of weapons destined for Afghanistan.
Only weeks later, on 29 May 1988, Zia dismissed Junejo, dissolved the National Assembly and removed the civilian government. Zia publicly justified the decision by claiming that law and order had deteriorated and that the government could no longer be run according to the Constitution.
However, the timing led to widespread speculation that the Ojhri Camp investigation and Junejo’s increasing independence from the military were important factors behind his removal. The exact extent to which the Ojhri investigation influenced Zia’s decision remains disputed, but the episode demonstrated something that had been built into the political system through the Eighth Amendment. Even after martial law had formally ended, the President retained the power to remove an elected government.
Zia again promised elections within 90 days. Meanwhile, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan and began rebuilding the PPP, preparing for what appeared to be the next major political contest.
Zia’s death
Zia would not live to see those elections.
On 17 August 1988, Zia travelled to Bahawalpur to watch a demonstration of American M1 Abrams tanks. After the event, he boarded a Pakistan Air Force C-130 aircraft to return to Islamabad. The aircraft took off normally but soon began behaving erratically before crashing near Bahawalpur. Zia was killed along with several senior Pakistani military officers and the American ambassador to Pakistan, Arnold Raphel. In total, 31 people died.
The cause of the crash was never conclusively established. Investigations considered mechanical failure, sabotage and the possibility that some form of toxic substance had incapacitated those on board, but no individual or organisation was conclusively identified as responsible.
Zia’s death therefore brought one of the longest periods of military rule in Pakistan’s history to an abrupt end. The man who had seized power in 1977 promising elections within 90 days had ruled for eleven years. He had transformed Pakistan’s legal system through Islamisation, reshaped the Constitution, strengthened the presidency, brought Pakistan into the centre of the Cold War and overseen the country’s involvement in the Afghan war.
Now, with Zia dead, Pakistan was once again faced with the question that had repeatedly returned since 1947.
Could Pakistan finally sustain a democratic government without the military taking control again?
Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Chairman of the Senate, became acting President and announced that elections would proceed. The country was about to enter another period of civilian government, but the political system Zia left behind would continue to shape Pakistan for years to come.
